Five Minutes to Midnight

Table of Contents

Letter from the Editor

Rwanda: Ten Years Later
Child Labour: A Look Inside Their World
The International Criminal Court: An Introduction

Get Involved: Organize a Conference

Comment Response: Reproductive Rights; More Than Just Abortion

Remember: send all comments, editorials, questions, and submissions to gryc@rogers.com!

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Letter from the Editor

For the Northern Hemisphere, spring is finally in the air! Here in Toronto, Canada, the snows have melted, and barring the light flurry activity expected tomorrow, things should only be getting warmer. The grass is greener, morale is improving, and the first year anniversary of the war in Iraq passed with a marvelous global movement of activists.

Yes, definitely a weird way of putting it, but one that emphasizes exactly where Five Minutes to Midnight has been, and how the mood among the staffers has been improving. If you have kept up with these letters for the last few months, you would have noticed that the mood was never grim; nevertheless, “good” can always be “better” and “better” can always get “a little bit better”. The month of March showed a great increase in the number of subscribers to Five Minutes to Midnight – unparalleled growth compared to the other months since its inception, and a trend that will hopefully continue.

This is partly thanks to the March 20 protests, where Five Minutes to Midnight took a role by sending volunteers to gather subscribers: a great way to involve people in the protest and have those participating and voicing their opinions to join in the online activism and education that Five Minutes to Midnight plays in.

Of course, that is but one of many reasons. March also allowed Five Minutes to Midnight to visit a range of conferences, starting with War Child Canada’s Just Act! Conference, where I had the opportunity to be a delegate and shameless self-promoter to the few dozen highly motivated and inspiring youth that attended. As you may have already noticed in the last issue, Five Minutes to Midnight is working extensively with the Youth Advisory Board of War Child Canada.

The crowning achievement of March, however, was the creation of a Five Minutes to Midnight workshop. Run with the support of the United Nations Association in Canada – Toronto Region Branch (http://www.to.unac.org/), the workshop focuses on becoming aware of the propaganda used in media, cognitive science techniques, and challenges your views in human rights. It has already been presented three times, with great reviews and comments from participants. “Shocking!” and “It opened my eyes!” are comments uttered over and over again. Those interested in participating in the workshop or having Five Minutes to Midnight visit their school or conference should send an e-mail to feedback@fiveminutestomidnight.org. The workshop actually begins with an example of Soviet propaganda based on an ethnic deli in the middle of New York, so you know the workshop is good!

As you can see, the month of March has been a generous time for Five Minutes to Midnight, and hopefully so will April. I thank you for reading, and to all the new subscribers: I welcome you to your first new issue!

            Thanks for reading,
                               Wojciech Gryc

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Rwanda: Ten Years Later by Krista Riley

Try to think of 8000 people you know. Is it possible?

Imagine this number of people dying, all in the same day - one person approximately every eleven seconds, for an entire day.

... For a hundred days in a row.

It may be impossible for us to imagine, but this is what happened in Rwanda exactly ten years ago. Beginning on April 7, 1994, and lasting for a period of 100 days, over 800 000 people were killed, in a country with a population of about 8 million. Many more were injured, and millions had to leave their homes, or even the country. Thousands of women were raped, leaving many with psychological trauma, unwanted children, and diseases like HIV/AIDS. Thousands of children were orphaned, leaving many to take over their household and the care of any younger siblings, even if they themselves were no more than eight years old. Countless other children were taken as soldiers and forced to kill.

The Rwandan genocide was a conflict between the extremist Hutu government and the Tutsi minority in the country. Hutus and Tutsis have lived together for centuries. They speak the same language and practise the same religion. The distinction between Hutu and Tutsi was in fact originally an economic one. Hutus were horticulturalists and Tutsis were herders, but a Hutu who accumulated ten cows could be considered Tutsi. Ethnic identity became more and more important under the Tutsi monarchy in the 19^th century, and was solidified under the Belgian colonization that began in 1918. Using theories of racial hierarchy popular in Europe at the time, Belgians characterized the Tutsis as much closer to Europeans and thus more civilized than their Hutu neighbours, and issued identity cards to all Rwandans, even those who were unsure of their own ethnicity. With the Tutsis much favoured by the Belgians – given exclusive access to education and political power – animosity built up among the oppressed Hutus. Rwanda became independent in 1962 with the election of a nationalist Hutu as president, leading to the first of many slaughters of Tutsis, and forcing many Tutsis to leave Rwanda for refugee camps in surrounding countries like Uganda and Burundi.

By the early 1990s, the Tutsis in exile had formed the Rwandan Patriotic Front, an army that was gaining strength over parts of Rwanda, and civil war broke out from 1991-1993. A peace accord was signed in 1993, and United Nations peacekeepers were sent in to oversee its implementation. Unfortunately, the accord would never be implemented. On the night of April 6, 1994, a plane carrying the presidents of Rwanda and Burundi was shot down just before it was supposed to land in Kigali, Rwanda’s capital. It is still unclear who is responsible for shooting down the plane, but it was quickly blamed on the Tutsis, and sparked a systematic campaign to eliminate Rwandan Tutsis and “moderate” Hutus – some of which were designated so simply because they refused to kill their fellow Rwandans.

The United Nations peacekeeping force in the country was small and largely unequipped, and many players on the international stage were hesitant to step in because of memories of colonialism or of previous failed peacekeeping missions. Despite repeated calls for help from the leader of the peacekeeping mission, Canadian Roméo Dallaire, many countries turned a blind eye to the events in Rwanda until it was too late. The peacekeepers remained too weak to stop the genocide that was occurring right in front of them.

In 1945, after six million Jews and five million Gypsies, Slavs and other groups deemed inferior by the Nazis were killed in the Holocaust, the world’s nations said, “Never again.” The international community accepted its collective responsibility to prevent atrocities of that kind from ever happening again to any human beings, and signed the Genocide Convention in 1948 as a promise that this crime would never go ignored. In other words, international responsibility for preventing something like this from happening isn’t just an accusation made by bleeding hearts; it was a legal obligation that countries willingly accepted in 1948, and which most, at least in theory, continue to uphold. Yet, ten years ago, a second genocide occurred and the world failed to step in.

Now, ten years later, we must remember the victims of these horrible crimes. Often, when we in Canada think about victims of the Rwandan genocide, the first face to come to mind is that of Roméo Dallaire, an individual who certainly deserves to be praised for his efforts, and one who has suffered considerably because of what he experienced in 1994. But Dallaire is far from alone in suffering from post-traumatic stress disorder, and is one of millions who continue to be visited by memories of the horror that they experienced. The men, women and children killed in Rwanda - numbering more than 800 000 human beings - should never be forgotten. Take the time to think of those who were lost, and of the survivors, still haunted by what happened and now working courageously to rebuild their shattered country.

Rwanda is an example of where the world failed to take action. This doesn’t have to be the case. Look back on what happened, but make sure to look forward, too. Everyone has a role to play in preventing atrocities like this in the future: in drawing attention to crimes happening in other countries, in pressuring our governments to stick to their promises to address issues like genocide, and in supporting peacebuilding efforts in countries before tensions escalate to the level that allows something like what happened in Rwanda to take place. Communities across Canada are hosting memorial events to commemorate the anniversary. Look for those, or plan your own, and get involved with organizations helping victims of war all over the world.

And maybe one day we really will be able to say, “Never again.”

Krista Riley is a student at the University of British Columbia. She is one of the longest members of the War Child Canada Youth Advisory Board, where she works and organizes human rights and anti-war projects.

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Child Labour: A Look Inside Their World by Katelynn Bellows

She lives a life of deprivation, one that cannot be escaped. Why? Every day Cinderella wakes up to wash the dishes, do the laundry and sweep the floors because her evil step sisters cannot do it themselves. In the end though, Cinderella is saved by Prince Charming. However, can the same be said for the children that toil away for days at a time? Will the little girl in Saipan ever grow up to live happily ever after? Or will she be too busy working sixteen hours a day for practically no pay?

Every morning the Sun rises to greet the faces of some 250 million children between the ages of 8 and 21 who will spend the long hours of the day doing backbreaking, dangerous work. What they produce is known to the mass majority as Gucci, Old Navy, Gap, Nike, Adidas, Proda, Guess, Parasuco, Tommy Hilfiger, Fubu and many others. As a commercially driven population, we have blind-sided this tragedy throughout the years, purchasing clothes that cost $1.14 to make and $80 to buy. Does this somehow make us feel fulfilled? Or are we just ignoring what is so obvious to the public eye? This exploitation of humanity must be uncovered if we as a nation will ever see eye to eye with other countries. The conditions and human rights within garment factories in places such as Afghanistan, Bangladesh, and Mexico are inappropriate and immodest. This issue must be researched and action must take place in order to achieve justice, morality, hope, change and understanding for these poor countries.

Although forced labour has been around since the dawn of time, it has grown significantly during the past 50 years to keep pace with our ever-developing world. Every country on the planet has participated in some form of child labour. Even countries such as Canada and the United States contribute to the mass production of clothing such as blue jeans, sweatshirts and bathing suits that are produced in garment factories. This does not mean, however, that these countries, or any country for that matter, condone such working conditions. In fact, most countries have laws protecting children from labour; an unusually ironic situation considering that 80% of the world’s soccer balls are manufactured in Pakistan by child labourers. So how do large corporations find loopholes within the laws to ensure an ever-increasing profit? It is really quite simple if the company knows how to go around it.

First, pick a country that needs to be pulled up from the ground, and then proceed to inform the families that work will come and profits will allow them to make a decent living. Next, put on a grinning face and tell the families that, for their sake, the entire family should become employed. A contract is signed without hesitation (they all need the money), stating that no one is allowed to form any union against the factory, workers may be subjected to overnight work, and wages will be low because the economy is on the plunge. Workers are never told whether or not they will ever receive a raise. And so the torture begins.

On a recent Much Music expedition to Mexico and Bangladesh, famous music artists interviewed several child labour activists and children who worked in garment factories. Their questions seemed to bother most of the young children that they interviewed, who stated that they were too scared to talk because of the repercussions they would receive from their factory owners. What the artists found out was really quite interesting .

- 80% of the economical earnings in Bangladesh are garment earnings with an estimate of two million people employed within the industry.

- Some children who work in factories have worked more than 70 hours in one week. In Canada, a 40-hour workweek is considered full-time. These workers receive no overtime pay and their salary is approximately $1500.00 a month. In Canada the minimum wage for a student is $6.70 an hour.

- 80% of the people working within garment factories in Bangladesh are females between the ages of 14-29.

- There are 3500 garment factories in Bangladesh and 2500 factories in Dhaka.

- Due to the clothing industry being such a huge hit overseas, Bangladesh has over $2 billion in exports each year!

- Most people who work in Mexican garment factories live in shantytowns and have to travel upwards of four hours to get to their work every day. Sometimes they are there all night.

- The average wage in a garment factory is $24 to $33 a week

- Home workers (sweatshop families who work at home) receive less pay working from their “home” than if they worked in a factory. Most are women who often get their children to help alongside of them.
Due to living conditions and transportation problems, most children and women are subjected to sexual harassment and the dangers of rape when they travel between work and home.

Most people do not seem to realize the conditions within sweatshops. Besides being subjected to cruel and unusual punishment, such as being whipped for making mistakes, workers are forced to work in factories that would not pass any modern health and safety inspection. The complaints most commonly received are improper ventilation, unclean water, very little food, no air conditioning, harsh hours with very little pay and sexual harassment.

On May 8^th, 2002, a Children’s Forum met in Ottawa to discuss the rights that children should have. Their proposition took four days of straight negotiations to write up and present. One of the statements made upon the Charter was “We see an end to the vicious cycle of poverty.” The children even proposed to the UN General Assembly that anti-poverty commissions be established to help those in underdeveloped countries. They also stated that education should be mandatory for those that had no choice but to work. It is quite comical that children as young as 13 years of age should have the knowledge that seems so lacking among presidents of large corporations.

Indeed, large corporations like the Gap have even had class-action lawsuits filed against them for the conditions and exploitations of their factories and its workers. Gap denies everything that has ever been said about their factories and has not settled the suit. Large companies such as the Gap see children as slaves that are in dire needs of assistance. This is why they often go to countries such as India, Taiwan, China, Iraq and Africa to propose work to those that need it. No one ever needs to know about these factories though, because it has been told that if one button is stitched on a shirt or one thread is placed within the hem of a pair of jeans in Canada, then the label made on the back of the clothing can state “Made in Canada.”

Due to this harsh reality, large organizations such as Behind the Label, Warchild Canada, Amnesty International, Maquila Solidarity Network, Global Exchange, Gaptivists, Oxfam and AdBusters proceed to raise awareness and make changes to the laws, allowing no corporation to exploit children and their needs. Not only do they make changes to existing corporations, they raise awareness among youth and the general public about the issues of child and slave labour. Huge protests and creative campaigns have been displayed internationally including Buy Nothing Day, Black Dot campaigns, No Sweat school campaigns, and Make it Known protests (allowing the existence of present factories to be known to the public). What is needed now is for youth to become involved within their own communities, to raise a public voice about the inhumane issues that children in sweatshops face.

Since the dawn of time we as a society have expressed the need to be Somebody; to do Something; to Make a Difference. Now is the time to do just that! The following links contain campaign starters, what people need to know about child and slave labour, and how to go around making your voice heard. If the children of Canada can come together and create a message so strong to move even the UN General Assembly, and if workers in Saipan, Bangladesh and Mexico can risk being fired to acknowledge their people’s human rights, then we should be able to stop these malicious and hostile realities that children face day after day.

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The International Criminal Court: An Introduction by Wojciech Gryc

In this three part series on The International Criminal Court (ICC), Wojciech Gryc will analyze the ICC and its goals and purposes, and then see how they will be used and applied to the protection of human rights around the world. Part 1 will focus on a general overview of the ICC, Part 2 on how crimes will be brought forth and investigated, and Part 3 will deal with its implications to civilians.

Kosovo, Afghanistan, Colombia, Iraq; the list goes on. There are dozens of countries that are currently suffering from the wrath of national or international conflict, with thousands of victims every year. War does not discriminate and takes victims of any age group, gender, and ethnicity. Indeed, many of the victims of war and conflict are children, who are killed, forced to be soldiers, sold into the sex trade, or suffer in other countless and horrific ways. Something must be done, and one beacon of hope is the International Criminal Court.

First established on July 17, 1998, the International Criminal Court (ICC) is designed to bring those individuals who bear no respect for humanity to justice. The Rome Statute, which outlines the ICC’s goals, purposes, and jurisdiction, came into effect on July 1, 2002, and is able to prosecute individuals found of committing genocide, war crimes, crimes against humanity, and the crime of aggression. The ability to prosecute individuals is what sets the court apart from other institutions, most of which only have the ability to prosecute and punish nations. Through the Rome Statute, anyone found of committing the atrocities listed above after July 1, 2002 may be tried in the court and punished with a life sentence or less. In accordance with international human rights agreements, the ICC does not support the death penalty.

The crimes under the ICC’s jurisdiction are very serious, and warrant further definition. The ICC’s definition of genocide is in accordance with the definition of trying to exterminate an entire group of people based on ethnicity, religion, race, or nationality. The methods used to commit this crime are numerous, and aside from murdering large amounts of people, also include physically and emotionally harming them through violence or by imposing such a quality of life that results in the destruction of the people, preventing the people from having children, and transferring children from their parents.

Crimes against humanity are similar to genocide in that they involve systematically and deliberately harming a large portion of a civilian population. A wide range of crimes is covered in this category, including murder, enslavement, rape, deportation, disappearance, apartheid, and virtually anything else that causes harm to a civilian population.

The Geneva Conventions are used to define war crimes, and apply to both international and civil wars, while aggression remains undefined. During initial discussions for the Rome Statute, countries could not agree upon a legal definition, and it is currently being investigated and, once defined, will be implemented into the ICC.

With such an important mandate, the ICC has the potential to do a lot of good in the world by punishing evildoers and deterring others by showing them the world does not tolerate heinous crimes. Nevertheless, there are some countries that do not support the ICC’s mission and mandate, with the most prominent of these being the United States. Arguing that the ability of civilians to bring charges against others in the ICC makes it possible for people to abuse the system and target innocent American citizens, the US has chosen not to ratify.

This fear is something that the US has already suffered before. Using Belgium’s genocide and crimes against humanity laws, which allow non-Belgian citizens to charge other non-Belgians with crimes, Iraqi citizens have brought forth charges against George Bush Senior, Colin Powell, and Norman Schwarzkopf for the death of Iraqi children in the Gulf War. The US’s argument is that such deaths are sometimes inevitable in war, and it is irresponsible to charge people for them. Fearing that such charges will only become more common through the ICC’s public system, the US has not ratified the Rome Statute and has taken a step further by forcing countries to sign bilateral treaties promising not to charge American citizens in the ICC. Those who do not sign such agreements risk losing their military aid.

Such concern, however, is unfounded, as there are many checks and balances in place to protect government officials and citizens from trumped up or completely false charges. The ICC does not bring every single charge submitted to trial, but rather researches the issue and then decides whether or not going ahead with a trial is necessary or beneficial. A testament to these balances is the fact that countries with less than perfect human rights records, like Colombia, have still taken the initiative to ratify the Rome Statute. With reports and rumours accusing the Colombian government of abusing its citizens’ human rights, it is not unreasonable to think that cases against them may be sent to the ICC, and yet they still choose to support. The US, in effect, should not be so worried.

The creation of the ICC ushers in much hope for a world devastated by war and conflict. By protecting people from crimes against humanity, genocide, war crimes, and eventually aggression and punishing those who to do not respect these legal standards, the ICC will deter others from committing crimes, and will help bring closure to victims. It is a hopeful sign for children as well, who will be protected from the above crimes. Though the ICC has met some opposition from countries fearing its abuse through the creation of trumped up and unreasonable charges against civilians, the dozens of countries supporting the ICC show that it is here to stay, and will act as a beacon of hope for many years to come.

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Get Involved: Organize a Conference by Allison Martell

Conferences are a great way to learn new things and meet new people. Good conferences inspire their participants to start new projects or help them finish others. No matter the topic, it’s clear that conferences are an important part of the youth movement. Why, then, are so few of them actually organized by youth?

Organizing a conference involves the sort of planning and coordination that most young people are told they need adult help with. It might also seem that conferences require more money than youth groups have access to. In fact, youth are more than capable of organizing their own conferences. In this article, I am going to discuss some of the basics of organizing a youth conference.

It takes more than one person to organize a conference

In general, you will want to have more than one person working with you on this project. Some conferences are organized by a coalition of groups. If you want to, you could start a new group specifically for the conference. This group can have whatever structure you want; many conference organizing committees have a hierarchical structure (Conference Chair, Co-chair, Program Head, etc.), while others are a collective where everyone works together on the same level) Try to put together a diverse group of organizers: if you each bring different ideas and experience, your conference will be stronger.

Why are you organizing a conference?

Before you do anything else, you should set some goals. Will your conference have a specific theme, or cover many issues? Who should attend? What would you like them to take away? It can be helpful to summarize these thoughts into a mission statement. You will find yourself using the statement regularly to introduce your conference to potential speakers, participants, and sponsors.

Who is going to pay for it?

It is possible to run a conference on a budget of $0. That said, some money can be helpful. From the beginning, you should decide whether you are willing to accept corporate funding. Youth are the world’s most important marketing group. No company will fund you without putting their logo somewhere. Remember that you will become part of their advertising campaign.

Do some research in your community – there is a fair amount of grant money out there for youth initiatives. Grant requests should be written early, as most of them take months to be approved. Depending on your mission, labour groups and unions may be willing to donate on shorter notice. Find unions with political action committees or youth groups, and write letters introducing your conference. Explain exactly where the money would be going (buying food, renting space, paying speakers, etc.). Draft a budget, and stay within its limits.

Remember that no money comes without strings attached; once someone has given you funding, they will expect you to stay within your mission statement (or their impression of your mission statement).

Most conferences charge some sort of registration fee. If, however, you want your conference to be accessible, you should consider making the conference free or at least having a sliding scale (so that those who can’t afford the registration fee don’t have to pay it).

Finding Space

In some cities, there is space available for free to community groups. Toronto, for example, has Metro Hall. Universities usually offer space at a price. This is a good detail to get worked out early – there is nothing more stressful than having a conference and nowhere to put it!

If many of your participants are coming from out of town, you may want to book a block of hotel rooms at reduced rates. This can come with a large financial risk: if the rooms are never booked, you could be responsible for paying for them. Be very careful what agreements you make with hotels.

Speakers

Before you invite speakers, you need a basic schedule and structure for the day. Will everyone at the conference go to the same workshops, or will multiple workshops run at the same time?

There are a few common conference formats. The first one is to brainstorm a list of topics, and then choose the ones that are most important. Invite two or three speakers per topic. In the sessions, each speaker will present for a set time before a question period. This gives you a lot of control over what topics are covered, but it can also make for a boring conference. No one wants to be talked at all day!

You will find that some people have relevant workshops already put together. You can incorporate these into your conference. Be prepared to organize some of your own sessions as well. Remember that it makes sense to give youth a chance to speak at youth conferences.

You should try to pay your speakers’ expenses. If you can afford it, some honorarium over and above standard expenses is nice too – remember that some people speak at conferences for a living. If you can’t afford to pay honorarium, you may be able to convince speakers to come for other reasons. Perhaps your conference would offer them a chance to attract new members for their group, or spread the word about a little-known issue. You could provide space for them to sell their books or other products. Perhaps they have another event that they would like to promote.

Accessibility

There is more to accessibility than wheelchair-accessible washrooms (though that is important). Leave space on your registration form for special requests. Be prepared to find interpreters and attendants if they are needed. A complete accessibility checklist can be found in English and French at http://dawn.thot.net/access_checklist_full.html. Paying everyone’s transportation and providing free food are accessibility issues. An environment free of all kinds of discrimination is also important.

This article is only the beginning, but I hope I have at least provided a starting point for organizing a youth conference. By now, you may be asking where I got all these bits and pieces from.

Last year, I helped organize the first Hungry4Change Youth Activism conference. The conference was for youth 21 and under. It was entirely organized and run by youth. Free to all participants, it featured workshops such as Hip-Hop Culture and Resistance, the War on Iraq, Colombia, Running for Office, Starting a Union, Native Issues, and much more.

This year, the conference has been extended to include youth 25 and under. It will run from the evening of April 29^th to May 2^nd. Workshops will cover a similarly broad range of issues, and for the first time school groups will be invited. Registration is free, and can be found at http://www.hungry4change.ca. To join our mailing list, email h4cIIL-subscribe@groups.takingitglobal.org.

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Comment Response: Reproductive Rights; More Than Just Abortion
                    by Kaley Kennedy

To many, a woman’s right to reproductive autonomy would seem to be such a fundamental right, a right so sacred and imperative that one would dare not refute it. This is not the case, however. It seems that in these days of anti-abortion laws, forced abortions, a lack of contraceptive options available to many of the world’s women, and socially acceptable ignorance, the majority of people are working against reproductive autonomy, and causing the opinion and power of women to recede. In order to fully understand the need for full reproductive autonomy, one must first understand the history of reproductive rights, as well as the current state of reproductive rights all over the world.

The history of Abortion in Canadian law begins in 1892 with abortion being outlawed in Canada’s first Criminal Code. Abortion was an offence punishable by a lifetime in prison. The criminal code also barred contraception and homosexuality. For over seventy years this part of the Criminal Code remained untouched. During this time, many women died in illegal “back alley” abortions. Between 1926 and 1947, 4 000 to 6 000 women died of illegal abortions and by the 1960s, it is estimated that between 35 000 and 120 000 abortions were being illegally performed each year.

In 1969, Pierre Trudeau altered the Criminal Code to allow abortion under the condition that a board of three hospital doctors would acknowledge: “continuation of the pregnancy of the female person would or would be likely to endanger [the pregnant woman's] life or health.” The same set of amendments also saw the legalization of contraception and homosexuality. While the amendments to the Criminal Code improved conditions for women, acquiring an abortion even when a severe health risk was involved continued to be very difficult for many women. Many hospitals refused to perform abortions, or purposely chose conservative doctors to be placed on their board.

In response to the continued inaccessibility of abortions to women, Dr. Henry Morgentaler opened an abortion clinic in Montreal. In 1973, Dr. Morgentaler announced that he had performed over five thousand abortions. He was arrested, charged, and acquitted. The Court of Appeals in Quebec overturned the jury’s verdict and Dr. Morgentaler was sentenced to eighteen months in prison. Soon after, he was charged with additional charges, and was once again acquitted. Public outcry caused the government to declare that a judge could no longer overturn a jury’s verdict. This new law meant that Dr. Morgentaler required a new trial, at which he was acquitted for a third time. After his acquittal, the Quebec government declared that it would no longer pursue charges against those giving and receiving abortions.

After basically beating down the abortion laws in Quebec, Dr. Morgentaler moved throughout Canada, opening abortion clinics throughout the country. He was acquitted again in 1984, but the federal government appealed the decision and won. In response, Dr. Morgentaler appealed to the Supreme Court of Canada, who in 1988 declared that the abortion law was against the Canadian constitution. The decision stated:

"The right to liberty... guarantees a degree of personal autonomy over important decisions intimately affecting his or her private life. ... The decision whether or not to terminate a pregnancy is essentially a moral decision and in a free and democratic society, the conscience of the individual must be paramount to that of the state."

The government, in response to the suggestions of the Supreme Court, presented a new bill that would replace the unconstitutional one. In 1989, it passed in the House of Commons, yet was struck down by a tie vote in the Senate. No government has presented an abortion law since this tie. Currently, Canada has no law governing abortions. That is to say, it is neither illegal nor legal to perform or receive an abortion. It must also be said, however, that abortion is now considered an acceptable medical practice. Despite this, Canada does not have enormously high abortion rates; they are rather low for a developed nation. While accessibility continues to be a problem in many provinces, with PEI even refusing to provincially pay for them, things are improving.

Women in other parts of the world are not so lucky to have the autonomy we enjoy in Canada. Very few countries have recognized abortion as a personal moral issue rather than one that should be governed by the state. Often women are severely punished or even killed for aborting pregnancies, or being suspected of it. For example, a woman in Nigeria was sentenced to death after bearing a stillborn child. The courts assumed she had purposely terminated her pregnancy. In another case, a Macedonian woman who was suspected of terminating her pregnancy was beaten when she failed to reveal where she had left the fetus. Authorities also abused her sister-in-law and mother physically, verbally, and sexually during an interrogation in which they claimed to know nothing about the abortion. These situations are becoming more and more common in developing nations.

Many countries continue to insist on these severely rigid no abortion policies, but some improvements are being made. The African Union (AU) Protocol on the Rights of Women in Africa recognizes abortion as an undeniable right if the woman’s mental or physical health is at risk or if the pregnancy is a product of sexual assault. While this is a step, there are many concerns not being addressed. There is an extreme need for education on reproductive health, as well as affordable and accessible contraception options for women. Ignorance and a lack of options for women in developing nations creates many, many unwanted pregnancies, and rigid abortion laws cause women to turn to illegal and unsafe abortionists or even infanticide. Once the laws reflect a woman’s right to reproductive independence, accessibility to abortions and contraceptives can also be allowed to improve.

Conversely, it is also important to note that while it is vital to allow women the option of abortion and access to contraceptives, forced abortion and contraception are not acceptable; this is simply the opposite extreme. Currently, women across the world are being forced to abort their babies because they are of an undesired sex, have a disability, or are simply unwanted. Their right to choose is compromised by the government, the health system, and often, their own families. This is especially a problem in highly populated regions such as Asia, as well as areas dealing with the AIDS pandemic. This does not mean that developed nations are also to blame for pressuring women into getting abortions. Recently, in a US juvenile detention center, a number of women were raped, with two becoming pregnant. The prison wards and government officials then tried to pressure the girls to get abortions, almost forcing one upon one of the girls.

In addition to forced abortion, there is a growing problem with contraceptives being forced on women, as well as women being sterilized against their will. There are many reports from China stating that women have been abducted from their homes and given the operation without any form of consent or agreement. Also, there is the continued problem of Female Genital Mutilation, with one woman being mutilated every 15 seconds (see the February edition of Five Minutes to Midnight for further reading). These actions clearly reflect the value, or lack thereof, given to women in a variety of countries. It further reinforces the idea that women are possessions, almost slaves to their husbands and families. It also confirms the idea that reproductive independence is important to the overall freedom and empowerment of women throughout the world.

When any of the above problems is broken down it is simple to see that the main problem women face in reaching reproductive autonomy is ignorance. Whether one personally believes in the morality of abortion, it is clearly undeniable that the right to abortion and other reproductive freedoms is a needed foundation in the quest for gender equality. Until people educate themselves it will be difficult for women everywhere to be allowed their rights, and essentially their equality.

Writer’s Note: In response to the controversy surrounding the topic of abortion I used three types of sources in writing this article: pro-choice, pro-life, and neutral.

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Sources for "Rwanda: Ten Years Later"

Braeckman, Colette. Terreur africaine: Burundi, Rwanda, Zaïre: les racines de la violence. Brussels: Librairie Arthème Fayard, 1996.

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